Example of synthesis of the art in research paper

Example of synthesis of the art in research paper

Example Of Synthesis Of The Art In Research Paper totally free of any mistakes. Each essay is formatted according to the required academic referencing style, such as APA, MLA, Harvard and Chicago. Thus, being Example Of Synthesis Of The Art In Research Paper written and edited by our professionals, your essay will achieve perfection. Our writing staff is working to meet your needs and expectations and /10() Recent years have witnessed significant progress in example-based texture synthesis algorithms. Given an example texture, these methods produce a larger texture that is tailored to the user’s needs. In this state-of-the-art report, we aim to achieve three goals: (1) provide a tutorial that is easy to follow for readers who are not already familiar with [ ]Cited by: The state of the art in research synthesis has advanced significantly in the last decade. Much of the improvement in research reviews is attributable to the application of rigorous scientific standards to the process of research synthesis. Three principal types of research syntheses are the narrativ Cited by: 6

Research synthesis: the state of the art

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SYNTHESIS: THE STATE OF THE ART AND THE STATE OF THE PRACTICE In this section of the report we describe existing academic theory and research methods to estimate the economic impacts of transit investments, focusing on agglomeration impacts. This is followed by a description of how public agencies estimate and understand the potential economic impacts of project proposals and evaluations, based on our interviews with staff as well as our review of reports and other documents.

Our focus was on three main questions: • How are transit infrastructure investments thought to affect the economy? • How have those possible impacts been investigated and estimated? • What are the practical challenges in carrying out such estimates?

We begin with an overview of existing federal planning and evaluation processes for fixed-guideway transit systems. We then summarize our extensive review of academic literature on transportation and agglomeration the full review can be found in Appendix C. We next turn to a description of our interviews with practitioners familiar with New Starts and Small Starts funding applications to the Federal Transit Administration the full description of interviews is Appendix D. Finally, we describe documentary sources and guidance that explain how economic impacts are estimated in practice the full review of these practice documents is in Appendix E.

Existing Federal planning example of synthesis of the art in research paper evaluation processes The Federal Transit Administration’s FTA New Starts and Small Starts programs are the primary federal funding resource for capital investments in fixed-guideway transit systems.

SAFETEA-LU identifies specific criteria that the FTA must consider in order to advance a New Starts project through the project development process and to enter into a funding agreement. SAFETEA-LU requires that FTA consider the economic development effects of New Starts projects, however this criterion was not required for the FY and FY evaluation cycles because FTA "desires through the rulemaking process to work with the industry on the development of appropriate factors for measuring the economic development effects of candidate projects, example of synthesis of the art in research paper.

This criterion is documented by project sponsors in a "Making the Case" report that is submitted to FTA. Specific reporting requirements are not provided. FTA published the Proposed New Starts Economic Development Criterion - Octoberwhich lays out a method and reporting requirements for a new, stand-alone economic development criterion first applicable to FY projects.

This criterion is based on the developability of land near stations, the presence of transit-supportive plans and policies, example of synthesis of the art in research paper, and the economic climate. Land development impacts of proposed fixed-guideway projects are documented through population and employment forecasts, tax assessment data, a build-out analysis of the total additional development that could be accommodated under existing or proposed zoning, and a subjective market assessment by a local analyst.

These are documented through an inventory of relevant plans, policies, and ordinances, as well as a narrative description of potential barriers such as environmental contamination. Economic climate is documented through long-term metropolitan growth forecasts, recent growth in station area and project corridor property values, commercial and residential rents, and commercial vacancy rates.

Academic literature review A rich theoretical literature can be applied to the question of how a transit project might increase economic activity. The empirical literature is less detailed but also useful. Travel time and cost savings, and their immediate effects, can be more readily calculated; such estimates are already required in FTA guidelines for funding applications.

Transit projects are hypothesized to have several types of additional economic impacts, closely related to each other. These impacts are called “wider economic impacts” by the UK Department for Transport. They are related to the “induced” impacts of transportation investments—the economic and population growth that have been shown to follow some transportation investments—but they are entirely distinct from those changes.

In fact, in the UK, only the interactions between firms enabled by lower travel times are included when calculating agglomeration economies. It is those interactions that matter in increasing productivity. What is agglomeration? Agglomeration is perhaps the most widely observed feature of the spatial organization of economic activity, evident in the existence and growth of cities, in the formation of industrial regions and districts, and in the clustering of like activities within a neighborhood.

Agglomeration is a term also used to refer to interactions between firms and households that may be made easier by transportation improvements without any such physical changes in the built environment. There are multiple kinds of agglomeration mechanisms that may result in economic benefits. These mechanisms include greater innovation due to more frequent contacts among a specialized labor force, reduced costs of producing goods when production equipment and knowledge are shared, and better matching of workers to firms.

Which of these mechanisms might arise from transit projects is an understudied question, but an important one. Most additional economic impacts of transit investments can be characterized as higher industrial productivity due to greater agglomeration economies enabled both by faster travel, and by densification of development example of synthesis of the art in research paper transit stops and across the metropolitan area.

While “agglomeration” perhaps most commonly refers to the size or density of a city, or of an industrial cluster, it also refers to industrial concentration within an urban economy, or the percentage of total employment in a particular industrial sector, or even increases in “effective density,” which is essentially equivalent to decreases in travel time.

There are various causes of such economic returns to firm concentration, including access to large and specialized labor markets, better sharing of a variety of inputs to production, example of synthesis of the art in research paper, and the.

The relative importance of each of these agglomeration mechanisms is not well understood empirically, though there is a well- developed set of theories, example of synthesis of the art in research paper. Theory has it that concentration of economic activity, such as a city or a business park, takes place because of economic returns to doing so.

The existence of returns to scale of concentration is demonstrated by the fact that settlement is organized in cities, rather than scattered across the landscape. Agglomeration economies are to a large extent external to firms; that is, firms do not capture all of the benefits of their decision to locate near other firms. Those benefits instead accrue to all members of the agglomeration. When choosing a location, example of synthesis of the art in research paper, a firm will take account of the benefits of concentration on its own activities and profitability, but not the impact of its own decisions on the activities of other firms.

Because of this, firm clusters, CBDs, and cities themselves may be less concentrated than is optimal. There are two main ways that transportation improvements may affect economies of agglomeration: • If a transportation improvement causes the relocation of activity i. densificationthere may be positive agglomeration impacts where the activity relocated to and negative impacts where it relocates from • The lower cost of movement will increase accessibility to economic activity, especially by increasing the pool of accessible labor; this may lead to further positive agglomeration impacts.

These various agglomeration effects can be evaluated as they might relate to transit see Table 1, below. Each implies a different possible set of empirical measures and estimation methods to determine whether these economic impacts are in fact large enough to help distinguish proposed projects, and if so, how best to estimate the impacts. Amenity sharing specialized public and private goods Yes—but this is a consumer-side benefit, and is hard to measure except very indirectly, via land prices Empirical studies of the effects of transportation investments on agglomeration are diverse and incomplete.

Depending on the causal theory being tested, the studies use different dependent variables: changes in productivity, firm revenues, wages, and land values are all examples.

Studies also use different independent measures: accessibility changes, and changes in density, are the most common examples. The unit of analysis also ranges widely, from the metropolitan region to small areas. There is little or no direct study of how transit investments might have economic impacts beyond travel time savings. The uncertainty on the empirical side is illustrated by Table 2 below, which gives an example of how in the case of different levels of pent-up demand the theory fails to shed much light on the specific effects of any particular transportation investment.

The response of travelers and development to projects will vary; in some cases costs will exceed benefits and in other cases the reverse will be true. Additional economic benefits may be a substantial fraction of project benefits in some cases, such as a project that helps relieve a major bottleneck or that occurs in a region with industries that benefit from agglomeration. Local context and conditions can make a difference and any single study will not be able to disentangle all the possible associations.

Some transit investments may reduce waiting, walking, and transfer times, but these depend on specific details of the transit network and also of the corresponding pedestrian network. The benefits associated with network effects will likely be enhanced by having a large existing transit network that is well integrated with a pedestrian network.

The second is economic multiplier effects. These are typically estimated by regional economic models, such as the REMI Regional Economic Models, Inc. model, which addresses the connection between transport costs and productivity via the ability of firms to access labor markets, and the potential variety and concentration of those labor markets. Calculating such effects is beyond the scope of this study, but economic multipliers may be intimately related to agglomeration economies, example of synthesis of the art in research paper.

We describe such models below and in Appendix E. The third of these is the additional value of labor market participation that goes beyond increased wages. Agglomeration can lead to higher employment rates or more work hours in several ways, example of synthesis of the art in research paper, such as improved transit access to jobs encouraging more unemployed residents to join the labor market. If a proportion of the time saved traveling is spent working more hours; or if local labor supply increases at highly productive and agglomerated locations, deadweight losses associated with taxation of income may decrease, which would be another economic benefit.

The fourth of these additional economic benefits is related to but distinct from agglomeration effects. Lack of accessibility and high transportation costs can be a barrier to competition between firms. These effects are likely to be minimal given that transportation networks particularly the road network are mature in the US, so transit investments would likely have a trivial impact on increasing competition between firms.

Lower prices and more competitive markets effects may occur only if the transit project reduces major congestion of. Interviews We example of synthesis of the art in research paper eighteen practitioner interviews with transit agencies, metropolitan planning organizations MPOsand their technical consultants in the US, UK, and Australia from January to April The purpose was to obtain their assessment of how the economic impacts of proposed transit projects are assessed in practice, including what works well and what does not, how methods might be improved and made consistent among different locales, and what types of products from this effort would be useful.

We sought to understand current techniques, expertise levels, and needs of various agencies. We asked questions about the methods currently used to forecast economic and non-economic benefits of proposed projects; data quality and availability; and transferability across different regions and transit modes. An interview guide was developed to ensure all interviews followed the same structure and collected similar information.

A copy of the interview guide is included at the end of Appendix D. Interview subjects in the US included transit agency staff, their consultants, staff of MPOs, and a representative of APTA. Outreach to identify interview subjects was conducted at the January Annual Meeting of the Transportation Research Board in Washington, DC, through presentations at select committee meetings. Subjects were also selected from recommendations made by the TRB Review Panel, through direct outreach to transit agencies, and through personal contacts of the researchers.

Interview subjects in the UK and Australia included transit and other government agency staff and their consultants. Members of the research team interviewed a diverse set of transit professionals with experience in rail, light rail, and streetcar projects in mature, developing, and planned systems in a variety of metropolitan areas.

Subjects included technical staff and consultants with broad experience in project planning and economics, as well as agency leadership with knowledge of the political complexities of transit development.

In total, 18 interviews were conducted, primarily via telephone thirteen in the US, four in the UK and one in Australia. More detailed accounts of the interviews are presented in Appendix D. Here we summarize the most salient results. The interviews suggest there is no standard practice in the US transit industry for conducting economic benefits analysis.

Respondents cited a variety of methods, including cost–. A large share, or in some cases all, of the calculated economic benefits in these studies amount to monetized travel time benefits—a form of double-counting, since travel time reductions are already reported to the FTA as part of the application process.

These methods lack an explicit attention to productivity-increasing responses to transit investments. Respondents were generally unfamiliar with agglomeration or labor search, and how they might lead to economic benefits from transit investments. Example of synthesis of the art in research paper process was generally reported to be cumbersome and there was reluctance to increase the complexity of evaluation, which is what is implied by an additional “economic benefits” criterion.

Respondents generally expressed the interests of their agencies. They preferred finding a process that would reflect positively on their agency’s local circumstances. Many felt the existing process was biased against their agencies. A common theme among respondents was that the unique economic and land development contexts of different regions, as well as the relative maturity of systems, should all be taken into consideration.

Respondents also expressed a strong interest in having explicit environmental benefits considered as part of the calculation of economic benefits.

Synthesizing Information

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Synthesis Essay Examples: Find Good Ideas for Your Essay

Recent years have witnessed significant progress in example-based texture synthesis algorithms. Given an example texture, these methods produce a larger texture that is tailored to the user’s needs. In this state-of-the-art report, we aim to achieve three goals: (1) provide a tutorial that is easy to follow for readers who are not already familiar with [ ]Cited by: Example Of Synthesis Of The Art In Research Paper totally free of any mistakes. Each essay is formatted according to the required academic referencing style, such as APA, MLA, Harvard and Chicago. Thus, being Example Of Synthesis Of The Art In Research Paper written and edited by our professionals, your essay will achieve perfection. Our writing staff is working to meet your needs and expectations and /10() Research Depth. This option defines how much topic information the software should gather before generating your essay, a higher value generally Example Of Synthesis Of The Art In Research Paper means better essay but could Example Of Synthesis Of The Art In Research Paper /10()